Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals by Saul D. Alinsky

Saul Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals is a provocative, no-holds-barred guide to organizing for social change. Written in 1971, it remains a foundational text for activists, offering a pragmatic approach to challenging power structures and empowering the disenfranchised. Alinsky, a seasoned community organizer, distills decades of experience into a set of principles and tactics designed to help the Have-Nots take on the Haves. This book is not just a manual for revolution; it’s a call to action for anyone who believes in the power of collective action to create a more just and equitable world.

One of the most controversial aspects of Rules for Radicals is Alinsky’s discussion of the ethics of means and ends. He rejects the idea that tactics must always align with lofty moral principles, arguing instead that the morality of an action depends on its context and outcome. “The judgment of the ethics of means is dependent upon the political position of those sitting in judgment,” Alinsky writes. “In war, the end justifies almost any means.” This pragmatic approach has drawn criticism, but Alinsky insists that the Have-Nots cannot afford to play by the rules of the Haves. “The Haves usually establish laws and judges devoted to maintaining the status quo,” he notes. “Since any effective means of changing the status quo are usually illegal and/or unethical in the eyes of the establishment, Have-Nots, from the beginning of time, have been compelled to appeal to ‘a law higher than man-made law.’” Alinsky’s ethics are not about absolutes but about results. “Do what you can with what you have and clothe it in moral garments,” he advises. Goals must be phrased in general terms like “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” “Of the Common Welfare,” “Pursuit of Happiness,” or “Bread and Peace.” These broad, aspirational goals provide a moral framework for action, even when the tactics themselves might be controversial.

The organizer is the catalyst for change, the person who agitates, educates, and mobilizes. Alinsky emphasizes that the organizer must respect the dignity of the people they work with, appealing to their self-interest rather than imposing their own agenda. “If you respect the dignity of the individual you are working with, then his desires, not yours; his values, not yours; his ways of working and fighting, not yours, are important and must be followed,” he writes. The organizer’s job is to help people see their own power and potential. “Self-respect arises only out of people who play an active role in solving their own crises and who are not helpless, passive, puppet-like recipients of private or public services,” Alinsky argues. This means creating opportunities for people to take action, to make decisions, and to see the results of their efforts. But organizing is not just about confrontation; it’s also about building hope. “Optimism must be, for optimism brings with it hope, a future with a purpose, and therefore, a will to fight for a better world.” The organizer must inspire people to believe that change is possible, even in the face of overwhelming odds.

Alinsky’s book is perhaps best known for its tactical advice. He offers a set of rules for effective organizing, including:

1. Power isn't only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.

2. Never go outside the experience of your people.

3. Wherever possible, go outside the experience of your enemy.

4. Make the enemy live up to their own book of rules.

5. Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.

   
   

These tactics are designed to exploit the weaknesses of the Haves while maximizing the strengths of the Have-Nots. For example, Alinsky suggests using the Haves’ own rules against them. “Since the Haves publicly pose as the custodians of responsibility, morality, law, and justice, they can be constantly pushed to live up to their own book of morality and regulations,” he writes. “You can club them to death with their ‘book’ of rules and regulations.” Another key tactic is to personalize the target. “Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it,” Alinsky advises. By focusing on a specific individual or institution, organizers can create a clear, compelling narrative that resonates with people’s experiences and emotions.

Alinsky devotes significant attention to the middle class, recognizing their potential as both allies and obstacles. He describes the middle class as “numb, bewildered, scared into silence,” a group that has been largely ignored by traditional organizing efforts. Yet, he argues, they are crucial to any movement for change. “Not only the middle class but the 40 per cent of American families whose incomes are considered lower middle class cannot be dismissed by labelling them blue collar or hard hat,” he writes. “If we fail to communicate with them, they will move to the right. Maybe they will anyway, but let’s not let it happen by default.”

The best organizers and leaders, according to Alinsky, often come from the “Have-a-Little-Want-Mores”—the middle class. This group, while not as marginalized as the Have-Nots, is deeply aware of the fragility of their position and the injustices of the system. They possess the education, resources, and social networks to effect change, yet they are not so entrenched in privilege that they are unwilling to challenge the status quo. Alinsky notes that many of history’s great leaders of change emerged from this class, driven by a mix of idealism and self-interest. Their ability to navigate both the struggles of the Have-Nots and the anxieties of the middle class makes them uniquely suited to bridge divides and build coalitions for meaningful action.

In addition, the middle class, Alinsky observes, is caught between aspiration and fear. They are not the Haves, but they are not the Have-Nots either. They are the “Have-a-Little-Want-Mores,” a group that has achieved some level of stability but remains vulnerable to economic and social upheaval. This makes them both a potential ally and a potential obstacle. On one hand, they have the resources and influence to effect change. On the other hand, they are often resistant to radical action, fearing that it might destabilize the fragile security they have built for themselves.

To engage the middle class, Alinsky suggests organizing around issues that resonate with their self-interest. “Once organized around proxies, they will have a reason to examine, to become educated about, the various corporate policies and practices both domestic and foreign—because now they can do something about it,” he writes. For example, environmental concerns, corporate accountability, and consumer rights are issues that can mobilize the middle class without alienating them. By framing these issues in terms of their own experiences and values, organizers can build a bridge between the middle class and the broader movement for change.

Alinsky also emphasizes the importance of creating a sense of agency and empowerment among the middle class. “It is a job first of bringing hope and doing what every organizer must do with all people, all classes, places, and times—communicate the means or tactics whereby people can feel that they have the power to do this and that and so on,” he writes. This means showing them that they have the ability to effect change, even in small ways. It also means creating opportunities for them to take action, whether through petitions, boycotts, or local organizing efforts.

But engaging the middle class is not without its challenges. Alinsky warns that the middle class is often skeptical of radical movements, viewing them as chaotic or threatening. To overcome this skepticism, organizers must be strategic in their approach. They must avoid alienating the middle class with overly confrontational tactics or rhetoric. Instead, they must focus on building trust and demonstrating the tangible benefits of collective action.

Rules for Radicals is a timeless guide for anyone seeking to challenge injustice and build a more equitable society. Alinsky’s insights into power, organization, and tactics remain as relevant today as they were in 1971. At its core, the book is a call to action. “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing,” Alinsky reminds us. But he also offers hope: “Change comes from power, and power comes from organization.”

Key Lists from Rules for Radicals

The Ethics of Winning: Means, Ends, and Survival

1. One’s concern with the ethics of means and ends varies inversely with one’s personal interest in the issue.

2. The judgment of the ethics of means is dependent upon the political position of those sitting in judgment.

3. In war, the end justifies almost any means.

4. Judgement must be made in the context of the times in which the action occurred and not from any other chronological vantage point.

5. Concern with ethics increases with the number of means available and vice versa.

6. The less important the end to be desired, the more one can afford to engage in ethical evaluations of the means.

7. Generally, success and failure is a mighty determinant of ethics. There can be no such thing as a successful traitor, for if one succeeds he becomes a founding father.

8. The morality of a means depends upon whether the means is being employed at a time of imminent defeat or imminent victory.

9. Any effective means is automatically judged by the opposition as being unethical.

10. Do what you can with what you have and clothe it in moral garments.

11. Goals must be phrased in general terms like “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” “Of the Common Welfare,” “Pursuit of Happiness,” or “Bread and Peace.”

Rules of Power Tactics

1. Power isn't only what you have but what the enemy thinks you have.

2. Never go outside the experience of your people.

3. Wherever possible, go outside the experience of your enemy.

4. Make the enemy live up to their own book of rules.

5. Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.

6. A good tactic is one that your people enjoy.

7. A tactic that goes on too long is a drag.

8. Keep the pressure on.

9. The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.

10. The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition.

11. If you push a negative hard and deep enough it will break through into its counterside.

12. The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.

13. Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.